If I could have a warplane, it would be an Embraer Super Tucano. The Brazilian-made planes are sharp, versatile, tough, and – at a cost of a mere US$9 million – a great deal. Apparently, many Latin American countries feel the same way. The LA Times is reporting that the Super Tucano is a hit with the drug-busting air forces of the region, and is gaining an international profile:
Chile and the Dominican Republic have bought Super Tucanos. An Embraer spokesman declined to comment on reports that Indonesia and Peru have also placed orders.
The Pentagon is considering buying 200 of the aircraft, and Britain’s Royal Air Force is weighing the possibility of replacing its fleet of Harrier vertical takeoff jets with Super Tucanos instead of Lockheed Martin F-35Bs, which cost 10 times as much.
If the Pentagon buys the planes — 100 each for the Navy and Air Force, according to reports — the order would equal the total number of Super Tucanos that have been sold to date.
The principal customers have been the air forces of Brazil, with 99, and Colombia, which bought 25.
On the other hand, war planes are dangerous. Here’s a video of what sounds like a Peruvian Tucano in action, shooting down a planeload of missionaries with the help of the CIA. Nice job, guys:





The Nation has a long, wonky, wonderful article on Mexican maize cultivation, the effects of NAFTA, and the dangers of genetically-modified seeds. Author Peter Canby backs up his excellent writing with piles and piles of meticulous research. Not to be missed. [

Hitmen have assassinated the PRI candidate for governor of Tamaulipas State, Rodolfo Torre Cantú. Torre was gunned down along with six others at about 10:30 this morning on a highway on the way to a campaign event. Drug mafias are assumed to be responsible. [



The OAS drops a bomb
Wave goodbye.
So it’s come to this. After 11 years of back and forth debate over what the Bolivarian Revolution means for Venezuela, the OAS’ Inter-American Commission on Human Rights has an answer: It’s bad. Real bad. In an amazing 319-page report, the IACHR finally confirms what Venezuelan human rights groups have been denouncing for years:
The executive summary continues on to highlight “a troubling trend of punishments, intimidation, and attacks on individuals in reprisal for expressing their dissent with official policy,” as well as government policies designed to gut the power of elected opposition leaders, the use of criminal charges to suppress public demonstrations, and “issues that affect the independence and impartiality of the judiciary in Venezuela.”
This report is fairly unprecedented and should take the wind out of the sails of those who have argued that the OAS has been too soft on Venezuela. The question now is, will Venezuela stay in the OAS? It’s not a silly question. Chávez will, of course, react vehemently. But more importantly, the release of the report coincides with the fact that Venezuela might be on its way out anyway.
Last year, the country straight-up rejected a ruling by the OAS’ Inter-American Court of Human Rights, arguing the ruling represented “unacceptable intervention in the government and the judiciary.” Rejecting the jurisdiction of the court is a serious violation of Venezuela’s obligations as a member of the OAS, and the court is just now deciding how to respond.
One wonders if a report of this magnitude, scope, and harshness is designed to pave the way for Venezuela’s exit from the OAS.
(Full IACHR report.)